Category Archives: Public Policy

Margaret Thatcher on the economics and social consequences of income inequality

Here’s a remarkable video of former UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s last House of Commons speech (recorded 11/22/1990) on the economics and social consequences of income inequality; she also opines presciently about various dysfunctional aspects of the yet-to-be-formed economic and monetary union of various EU member states (i.e., the so-called eurozone; cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurozone) and the European Central Bank (cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Central_Bank). Hat tip to Dan Mitchell (cf. http://bit.ly/uukWhc)…

 

Monthly Unemployment Rates, January 2001-August 2011

In commemoration of President Obama’s speech tonight, here’s a time series graph of monthly unemployment rates from January 2001 –  August 2011 (Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics):

Capture

Interestingly, here’s an Internet polling graph captured minutes after President Obama’s speech came to a close; it is very bimodal, as is the current mood of our country (source: http://on.wsj.com/qqMLyI)

Capture2

Finally, here’s the latest from the prediction markets concerning the odds of President Obama winning re-election in 2012:

Capture

Head to Head on Tenure

Naomi Schaeffer Riley, a former Wall Street Journal editor and author of the book The Faculty Lounges … And Other Reasons You Won’t Get the College Education and UT-Austin economics professor Daniel Hamermesh go “head to head” on tenure (hat tip to Frank McCamant for pointing this “debate” out to me).  Also see a short Texas Tribune article entitled “The Pundit vs. the Professor: A Debate About Tenure”.

The political economy of "All cribs now must pass tough new safety rules"

Last week, the Chicago Tribune published a story entitled “All cribs now must pass tough new safety rules” which describes in some detail new regulatory crib safety standards that have been promulgated by the Consumer Products Safety Commission (CPSC).  While crib deaths are obviously incredibly tragic, they are also very rare events.  Here, I call attention to some potentially deadly (and unsavory) “unintended” consequences associated with the proposed policy changes.  I’ll do this through the lens of George Stigler’s theory of regulatory capture.

The Wikipedia definition for regulatory capture is as follows: “…regulatory capture occurs when a… regulatory agency created to act in the public interest instead advances the commercial or special interests that dominate the industry or sector it is charged with regulating.”  A good place to start in this particular case is by thinking carefully about the underlying interest group politics behind this new federal regulatory initiative. The above referenced Chicago Tribune article notes, among other things, that “federal regulators recommend that families that can afford to do so buy new cribs and destroy their old ones (italics added for emphasis).” Think of the market consequences if everyone followed the CPSC’s “advice” – all of a sudden, you would have a sharp reduction in the supply of used cribs; furthermore, without the presence of a viably competitive used crib market, this means that the primary demand for baby cribs will likely be met by manufacturers whose products comply with the new regulations. Given this adverse supply shock while holding demand constant can only mean one thing – higher prices for baby cribs.  The next obvious question is, who is likely to benefit financially from these new regulations?  Baby crib manufacturers who can produce new cribs which are fully compliant with the new regulations obviously stand to benefit, particularly if the effect of the regulations is to create entry barriers (in the form of regulatory fixed costs) to this industry (hat tip to my Baylor colleague Dave VanHoose for pointing this aspect of regulatory capture out to me).  I can’t help but wonder whether the Juvenile Products Manufacturers Association has been actively lobbying for these new regulations for these very reasons.

Another interest group which stands to benefit is the plaintiffs bar who can be expected, in the wake of this change in regulatory policy, to pursue quite aggressively products liability cases against companies whose baby cribs at the time of manufacture were not fully compliant with the new safety regulations.  That it is possible to successfully litigate cases under such circumstances came as somewhat of a surprise to me, until I read Peter Huber’s book entitled Liability a number of years ago and more recently, a Supreme Court decision which seems to have established a precedent that full compliance with federal safety regulations at time of manufacture does not necessarily grant manufacturers immunity from liability after the fact (e.g., see “Supreme Court allows lawsuits over seat belts”, Reuters, February 23, 2011). It will be interesting to see whether this new regulatory initiative emboldens the plaintiffs bar to also pursue formal certification of pending baby crib lawsuits as class actions (if they haven’t already done so!). Of course, the additional legal cost will quickly become reflected in the price of new baby cribs, which will in turn make lawsuits all the more profitable to pursue (since payments to attorneys in such cases are largely based upon contingency fees) and baby cribs less affordable.

In the meantime, parents who can’t afford the sharply higher prices (due to higher direct and indirect regulatory and liability costs) for baby cribs will either violate regulatory policy outright by buying cribs off eBay and from garage sales; other parents will simply improvise their own sleeping solutions for their babies, which will likely be far more hazardous for babies than the cribs that the CPSC is currently in the process of outlawing. What a mess!

]]>

The political economy of “All cribs now must pass tough new safety rules”

Last week, the Chicago Tribune published a story entitled “All cribs now must pass tough new safety rules” which describes in some detail new regulatory crib safety standards that have been promulgated by the Consumer Products Safety Commission (CPSC).  While crib deaths are obviously incredibly tragic, they are also very rare events.  Here, I call attention to some potentially deadly (and unsavory) “unintended” consequences associated with the proposed policy changes.  I’ll do this through the lens of George Stigler’s theory of regulatory capture.

The Wikipedia definition for regulatory capture is as follows: “…regulatory capture occurs when a… regulatory agency created to act in the public interest instead advances the commercial or special interests that dominate the industry or sector it is charged with regulating.”  A good place to start in this particular case is by thinking carefully about the underlying interest group politics behind this new federal regulatory initiative. The above referenced Chicago Tribune article notes, among other things, that “federal regulators recommend that families that can afford to do so buy new cribs and destroy their old ones (italics added for emphasis).” Think of the market consequences if everyone followed the CPSC’s “advice” – all of a sudden, you would have a sharp reduction in the supply of used cribs; furthermore, without the presence of a viably competitive used crib market, this means that the primary demand for baby cribs will likely be met by manufacturers whose products comply with the new regulations. Given this adverse supply shock while holding demand constant can only mean one thing – higher prices for baby cribs.  The next obvious question is, who is likely to benefit financially from these new regulations?  Baby crib manufacturers who can produce new cribs which are fully compliant with the new regulations obviously stand to benefit, particularly if the effect of the regulations is to create entry barriers (in the form of regulatory fixed costs) to this industry (hat tip to my Baylor colleague Dave VanHoose for pointing this aspect of regulatory capture out to me).  I can’t help but wonder whether the Juvenile Products Manufacturers Association has been actively lobbying for these new regulations for these very reasons.

Another interest group which stands to benefit is the plaintiffs bar who can be expected, in the wake of this change in regulatory policy, to pursue quite aggressively products liability cases against companies whose baby cribs at the time of manufacture were not fully compliant with the new safety regulations.  That it is possible to successfully litigate cases under such circumstances came as somewhat of a surprise to me, until I read Peter Huber’s book entitled Liability a number of years ago and more recently, a Supreme Court decision which seems to have established a precedent that full compliance with federal safety regulations at time of manufacture does not necessarily grant manufacturers immunity from liability after the fact (e.g., see “Supreme Court allows lawsuits over seat belts”, Reuters, February 23, 2011). It will be interesting to see whether this new regulatory initiative emboldens the plaintiffs bar to also pursue formal certification of pending baby crib lawsuits as class actions (if they haven’t already done so!). Of course, the additional legal cost will quickly become reflected in the price of new baby cribs, which will in turn make lawsuits all the more profitable to pursue (since payments to attorneys in such cases are largely based upon contingency fees) and baby cribs less affordable.

In the meantime, parents who can’t afford the sharply higher prices (due to higher direct and indirect regulatory and liability costs) for baby cribs will either violate regulatory policy outright by buying cribs off eBay and from garage sales; other parents will simply improvise their own sleeping solutions for their babies, which will likely be far more hazardous for babies than the cribs that the CPSC is currently in the process of outlawing. What a mess!

Make the rich pay their "fair" share!

Another political narrative/canard that you can “set your watch to” (other than the gas “price-gouging” canard) is this notion that the so-called “rich” people (i.e., folks other than you and me) don’t pay their “fair” share of taxes.  In the current policy environment, one of the two major political parties wants to retain the Bush era tax rates for the “non-rich” (defined as  families earning less than $250,000 per year and individuals earning less than than $200,000 per year) and revert back to the Clinton-era tax rates for the “rich”.   Indeed, in a recent speech, President Obama noted that “…at a time when the tax burden on the wealthy is at its lowest level in half a century, the most fortunate among us can afford to pay a little more.”

I am curious what President Obama’s source is for this statement. Clearly, the top marginal personal income tax rate is considerably lower now than it has been in the past; e.g., 50 years ago (when JFK was in office), the top marginal personal income tax rate was 91%, whereas today it stands at 35% (under Clinton, it was 39.6%).  However, just because the top marginal personal income tax rate is lower now than it was under previous Democratic administrations, this does not automatically translate into a lower tax “burden” per se (assuming that “burden” is defined as the actual dollar amount relative to income that people actually pay).  Indeed, my Baylor colleague Dave VanHoose pointed out a recently published Tax Foundation article entitled “No Country Leans on Upper-Income Households as Much as U.S.” which documents that the U.S. has by far and away the most progressive personal income tax system amongst 24 OECD countries.  Here’s a particularly important table from this article:

Capture

Quoting from the Tax Foundation article, “…the top 10 percent of households in the U.S. pays 45.1 percent of all income taxes (both personal income and payroll taxes combined) in the country. Italy is the only other country in which the top 10 percent of households pays more than 40 percent of the income tax burden (42.2%). Meanwhile, the average tax burden for the top decile of households in OECD countries is 31.6 percent.”  Thus, in the U.S., the current policy is to have “…the wealthiest households in this country pay a share of the tax burden that is one-third greater than their share of the nation’s income.”  Furthermore, this share (see column 3 in the table above) is 24 percentage points higher than the average for the countries listed there.  Apparently the ante for “rich” Americans may be going up!

 

]]>

Make the rich pay their “fair” share!

Another political narrative/canard that you can “set your watch to” (other than the gas “price-gouging” canard) is this notion that the so-called “rich” people (i.e., folks other than you and me) don’t pay their “fair” share of taxes.  In the current policy environment, one of the two major political parties wants to retain the Bush era tax rates for the “non-rich” (defined as  families earning less than $250,000 per year and individuals earning less than than $200,000 per year) and revert back to the Clinton-era tax rates for the “rich”.   Indeed, in a recent speech, President Obama noted that “…at a time when the tax burden on the wealthy is at its lowest level in half a century, the most fortunate among us can afford to pay a little more.”

I am curious what President Obama’s source is for this statement. Clearly, the top marginal personal income tax rate is considerably lower now than it has been in the past; e.g., 50 years ago (when JFK was in office), the top marginal personal income tax rate was 91%, whereas today it stands at 35% (under Clinton, it was 39.6%).  However, just because the top marginal personal income tax rate is lower now than it was under previous Democratic administrations, this does not automatically translate into a lower tax “burden” per se (assuming that “burden” is defined as the actual dollar amount relative to income that people actually pay).  Indeed, my Baylor colleague Dave VanHoose pointed out a recently published Tax Foundation article entitled “No Country Leans on Upper-Income Households as Much as U.S.” which documents that the U.S. has by far and away the most progressive personal income tax system amongst 24 OECD countries.  Here’s a particularly important table from this article:

Capture

Quoting from the Tax Foundation article, “…the top 10 percent of households in the U.S. pays 45.1 percent of all income taxes (both personal income and payroll taxes combined) in the country. Italy is the only other country in which the top 10 percent of households pays more than 40 percent of the income tax burden (42.2%). Meanwhile, the average tax burden for the top decile of households in OECD countries is 31.6 percent.”  Thus, in the U.S., the current policy is to have “…the wealthiest households in this country pay a share of the tax burden that is one-third greater than their share of the nation’s income.”  Furthermore, this share (see column 3 in the table above) is 24 percentage points higher than the average for the countries listed there.  Apparently the ante for “rich” Americans may be going up!

 

Is gas "price-gouging" to blame for high gas prices?

President Obama raised this question a couple of days ago during a “town hall” meeting in California. The MSNBC article entitled “Obama says new task force will examine gas prices” quotes him as saying, “”We are going to make sure that no one is taking advantage of the American people for their own short-term gain.” This article also quotes the President as saying that “The task force will focus some of its investigation on “the role of traders and speculators” in the oil-price surge”.

An article which appeared in the The Globe and Mail entitled “U.S. launches probe into energy prices”, notes that “U.S. Attorney-General Eric Holder made no allegation of wrongdoing against companies or speculators on Thursday. But the multi-agency Financial Fraud Enforcement Working Group will play a key role in identifying fraud in the energy market, he said” (italics added for emphasis).

While the notion that “high” gas prices result from “price gouging” by a cadre of unsavory and greedy oil companies, energy traders, and speculators makes for a provocative political narrative, it’s really bad economics. As canards go, this one is particularly favored by the political elites; indeed, as Tim Evans, energy analyst with Citi Futures Perspectives, told Reuters news service, “You can almost set your watch on these kinds of things.”

I can think of several reasons why gas prices are high compared with historical norms and likely to remain so for some time:

  1. Rising demand from emerging markets (particularly China and India)
  2. Risks of supply chain disruptions due to the ongoing political upheavals in Libya and the Middle East
  3. Domestic supply constraints due to the ongoing deepwater drilling moratorium in the Gulf of Mexico
  4. The ongoing depreciation of the value of the US dollar vis-a-vis foreign currencies. The Federal Reserve’s major currencies index (which measures the foreign exchange value of the U.S. dollar against a subset of currencies in the broad index that circulate widely outside the country of issue) currently stands at 20–year lows. Since this past January, the value of the US dollar compared with other major foreign currencies has fallen by nearly 5%. Since trading in the global oil markets is dollar denominated, some of the rise in gas prices can be attributed to this factor alone.

Therefore, in order for gas prices to become cheaper for Americans, this will require some combination of 1) a slowdown in the global economy, 2) a favorable resolution of political risks in the Middle East, 3) a credible commitment on the part of the US government to rescind its deepwater drilling moratorium, and/or 4) a recovery in the value of the US dollar vis-a-vis other currencies.

]]>